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Se abrio la sesion a las 4:45 p.m., bajo la presidencia del Presidente, Claro M. Recto.

EL PRESIDENTE: Lease la lista de los Delegados.

SR. LIM: Sr. Presidente, pido que se dispense la lectura de la lista, presumiendo que todos los Delegados estan presentes.

EL PRESIDENTE: Si no hay objecion, se dispensa la lectura de la lista, pero no vamos a hacer esto todos los dias. Lease el acta.

APROBACION DEL ACTA

EL SECRETARIO lee el acta de la sesion anterior la cual es aprobada.

EL PRESIDENTE: Tiene la palabra el Delegado por Negros Occidental.

DISCURSO DEL DELEGADO LOCSIN

SB. LOCSIN: Sr. Presidente y Caballeros de esta Asamblea Constituyente: Por un estatuto emancipador, estamos hoy aqui ejerciendo un atributo de la soberania popular, para dar forma y vitalidad a la carta fundamen­tal de la nacion. Labor magna es la nuestra. La misma requerira de todos una vision serena del porvenir y ple­na comprension de las responsabilidades del momento historico que estamos viviendo.

Llamados a formular una Constitucion para la Mancomunidad, que no nos falte en la hora decisiva, la fe en lo que valemos y en lo que somos, para inmortalizar con trazo firme en las cuartillas de las luchas enmancipadoras de la humanidad, los ideales de libertad e independencia de nuestro pueblo, como la unica actitud digna, de continuidad y de interrelacion entre un paso epico y glorioso, el presente con su acervo de empeños proindependistas y el porvenir que solo acertamos a concebirlo con un pueblo aribitro y señor de sus propios destinos, imperterrito en su marcha ascendente hacia el progreso, perenne e inmortal por el quilate de nuestro patriotismo y la reciedumbre de nuestra ciudadania.

Con un estado omnipotente cuando del bien comiin se trata. una Constitucion en la plenitud de su utilidad, tiene que encarnar ademas formulas de ponderacion de todos los valores politicos, economicos y sociales del pais, de aplicacion flexible para estar siempre a tono con las necesidades de una determinada contingencia y para la duracion de su eficacia como instrumento de ordenacion de nuestras instituciones y de nuestros intereses.

Señor Presidente, con que acierto se esta diciendo que se halla enfocada en esta Asamblea Constituyente la atencion de todo el pueblo, pero la clase mas numerosa de ese pueblo, la que es carne de cañon en la hora de las revindicaciones sangrientas y came de sacrificio en el bregar diario por la vida, tiene en nosotros cifradas sus mas legitimas esperanzas de dignificacion social, que al posibilitarla a gozar de una relativa holgura y bienestar material, puede decir cordialmente que el trabajo es una bendicion.

Venimos de vivir la vida de sementera o de barrio de nuestros electores. Ya aqui, puestos a trahajar en un ambiente de luz de suntuosidad de este edificio legislativo. no podemos substraernos de la vision de unas realidades llenas de dolor y de miseria de la vida de las masas de nuestro pueblo, pero ¿que es la realidad viva y palpitante?

Los obreros asalariados que ponen en actividad talleres y fabricas. siempre sudorosos nor su empeño de ganar con su trabajo maximo el jornal diario; los de cuerpo embetunado de una mezcla de sudor y carbon, esos oue jadeantes de calor alimentan las grandes calderas: y los aue trabajan en tuneles o acueductos, sacando a la superficie las entrañas de la tierra, codiciadas por el oro que encierran, ¿que vida les reserva el porvenir?

Si llegan alguna vez a la vejez; ¿sera. por ventura pa­ra ellos, el prado de bienandanza de que nos habla Fr. Luis de Leon, que les ha de permitir gozar la lirica ven­tura de una vida serena?

¡Ay de la situacion del jornalero campesino! Trabaja de sol a sol si trabajo hay para ganar treinta o cincuenta centimes de jornal diario; come mal, se arropa peor y vive en chozas destartaladas; sufre la humillacion de ver que el amo extiende mag amplias simpatias a sus animales de labor que a sus peones-hombres; veperseguido su presente por la amenaza de las enfermadades y de la vejez en la mas amarga indigencia; comtempla a sus hijos alejados de las escuelas bien por la distancia o bien porque la misera paga que recibe no le permite sufragar los gastos que se requieren para instruirles ..... Vegeta asi años y mas años hasta morir para dejar a sus hijos una herencia de calamidades y de miserias.

Para un medico de cierta clientela, es el cuadro de todos los dias, el del niño enfermo cubierto de trapos roidos y sucios que dormita en brazos de la acongojada madre, acurrucada en un rincon de la casita, cuadro de angustia que mueve a compasion las almas sensibles ... Pero cuando al entregarle la receta, la madre del enfermito le pregunta por el precio probable de las medicinas prescritas. y satisfecha su curiosidad le hace la ingenua revelacion que su dinero no alcanza a comprarlas, Señor Presidente y Caballeros de la Asamblea Constitu-yente, tiene uno que armarse de la resignation del San­to de Asis, para no rebelarse contra este orden social establecido, que reclama el derecho de todos a la vida, pero que niega a los humildes la posesion de los medios de vivir.

Al negarseles buena alimentacion y vivir decente, caen victimas de las enfermedades caquectizantes. El predominio en el pais del beriberi encuentra una cientifica explicacion en su dieta no equilibrada. La vergonzosa mortalidad por tuberculosis en Filipinas es indice de la mi-seria material que priva en los hogares de nuestra plebe. Asi se mueren apenas nacidos un elevado por ciento de nuestros niños.

Señor Presidente, no hace mucho la majestad de es­ta casa del pueblo ha sido sacudida cuando S. E. el Gobernador General Murphy, al abogar por legislaciones propugnadores del bienestar social, afirmo con enfasis que el noventa por ciento de nuestra poblacion se muere sin recibir asistencia facultativa.

Que no se diga que la plebe repulsa los auxilios de la ciencia, porque las salas para pobres de nuestros hospitales al verse siempre llenas de enfermos, establecen concluyentemente que nuestra poblacion asalariada en medio de su pobreza, ama la vida agarrandose a 1a munificencia de nuestras instituciones oficiales de asistencia social o caritativas.

Si afirmo que todo lo mas se reduce a una viciosa distribucion de los beneficios del trabajo, solo hago fe publica de vuestra mismas conclusiones. Y es porque nuestro pais vive la vida de este siglo en que las cuestiones economicas substancian todas las inquietudes y las luchas de los hombres.

Tengo para mi, Señor Presidente, que no hariamos labor constructiva ni nos colocaremos a la altura de nuestra mision, si faltos de coraje par aceptar nuevos ritmos de la civilizacion contemporanea, el consenso de voluntades de esta Asamblea optara por ofrecer el silencio como respuesta al clamor imperativo de las masas de nuestro pueblo. Es una cobardia dar las espaldas a la luz y, como si fueramos la mujer de Lot, presentarnos con una fingidad miopia para no leer las realidades de la vida.

Si queremos salvar la democracia; si deseamos vincular a nuestras instituciones de gobierno, mas que su obediencia, el amor del pueblo, si hemos de ser leales al mandato de nuestros electores y sensibles a las incitaciones de nuestro corazon de creyentes, prestos consignaremos en la Constitucion aquellos preceptos que disciplinen la riqueza como un patrimonio de todo el pueblo.

Lejos de mi el proposito de sellar con el marxismo el texto de la Constitucion. Rehuyo de las abruptas trans-formaciones que determinan inmolaciones totales de ideas e intereses por que dicen dispersion de voluntades. Y porque quiero para la nacion y sus instituciones el amor y la adhesion de todos los filipinos, yo aventuro formulas de equilibrio entre los intereses creados y los postulados creadores de una justicia social. No reaccionarias arcaicamente ni revolucionarias decididamente. Pero que respondan a las pulsaciones de la nueva vida, para que Filipinas sea "infinitamente actual y se sienta firme con las garras sobre la linea matinal del horizonte,” que diria Ortega y Gasset.

Tomemos nota, que los hombres que redactaron muchas constituciones de la post-guerra, adelantandose a los radicalismos que llegan a veces a cristalizarse en la retorta pasional de las multitudes airadas que dieron al mundo el ejemplo de la Rusia Sovietica, que es a modo de un nuevo "Mane, Thecet, Phares" escrito en la pared del porvenir, creyeron prudente sancionar pre­ceptos constitucionales liberales sobre la propiedad y el trabajo, quitando a este ultimo su lastre amoral de mercancia.

No podemos detener la marcha ascensional del obrerismo. No valen las predicas de que se haria un gesto excesivo de paternalismo estatal, y que el mismo no hallaria mas cumplida legitimacion, si no desarrolla ampliamente el interes de los debiles, indefensos y faltos de recursos.

Con estas premisas, someto para vuestro estudio y cuidadosa consideracion, los siguientes proyectos de preceptos constitucionales:

El obrero tiene derecho al trabajo razonablemente compensado. Es deber del Estado regular el complimiento del fin social de trabajo. En toda em-presa agricola, comercial, fabril o minera, los obreros se consideraran como socios industriales con derecho a una participacion en las ganancias. La Legislatura nacional dentro del primer periodo de sesiones bajo el regimen de la Mancomunidad, promulgara una ley que prefije esta participacion, reglamente su distribucion y detalle cuantas regulaciones sean necesarias para la efectiva operacion de este precepto constitucional.

A todo obrero se le facilitara la adquisicion de un homestead de ocho hectareas. Es deber del Estado la creacion y operacion de un Banco Crediticio para los homesteaders y la formacion de juntas de tecnicos que dirijan sus actividades de explotacion de la tierra. El homestead se declara patrimonio de familia, que es inembargable y que no se puede ceder, vender o enajenar.

Señor Presidente, y Caballeros de esta Asamblea Constituyente: Antes de terminar esta mi sincera apelacion por un nuevo trato a favor de los humildes, seame permitido epilogarla con la expresion de mi rendida gratitud para todos los compañeros por la gracia que me conceden brindandome su generosa atencion.

Felices podemos sentirnos bajo este ambiente de extrema cordialidad. necesario para dar cima exitosamente, a una tarea de altisima significacion, que el pueblo por sus sufragios, ha tenido a bien enconmendarnos. Y aqui estamos para formular una ley basica para todo el pais. Anticipemos que adolecera de imperfecciones como toda obra humana. Que Dios nos ilumine para que la misma en su forma final supere las expectaciones mas entusiastas.

Yo espero que los talentosos Señores de esta Asam-blea Constituyente daran a la Constitucion, tanto en su fondo como en su forma, una perfeccion suma y que los politicos y los economistas pugnaran por modularla siguiendo determinadas filosofias de esta o aquella escuela. Bien haya que resulte de una labor de superacion de unos a otros Delegados, desviviendose todos por rendir a la nacion lo mejor de sus habilidades, pero que no le falte el concurso del corazon, para que toda ella irradie calor de humanidad que la haria a modo del Libro de los libros, siempre nuevo, no importa el devenir incesante de los tiempos, un abecedario juridico de esperanzas, de amor y de redencion.

SPEECH OF DELEGATE ESLIZA
AGAINST THE TEACHING OF RELIGION IN THE
PUBLIC SCHOOLS

MR. ESLIZA: Mr. President.

THE PRESIDENT: The gentleman from Pangasinan has the floor.

MR. ESLIZA: Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: Permit me to thank you, Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of this august Body, for granting me the privilege to raise my voice within this sacred Hall of our laws where all our attitudes, opinions and views are genuinely recorded for posterity, and to speak on the proposition of providing in our Constitution an express provision prohibiting the teaching of religion in our public schools.

The subject brings me to the dilemma of the cross roads because it is too delicate and significant for it con­cerns above all God the Omnipotent, the Life of Life, the Love of Love and the Power of Powers. By expounding on this matter, it is probable that the alert members of the clergy and ministers of the gospel may stand and brand me a godless creature. Defenders may impute that I am anti-Christian. Others may say that I am faithless and creedless. The worse critic may condemn me as an apostate of religion.

With this probable blame and condemnation point­ing against me, I take chances, for if I stop at this point, then to my conviction I would be a coward. And if I withdraw I shall be pusillanimous and igno­ble to my sincere and honest desire to serve, protect and fight for the best interest and the uplift of my people and for the equal treatment and opportunity given to all religions and the like. In this spirit, I shall explain my views, my simple views, that are not motivated by personal hatred and religious prejudice, but moved by the sentiment of truth and loyalty towards God, the common cause and the general welfare.

I confess that I am a Catholic, but as such I shall not speak ill and condemn those who are not. You may be otherwise, but as such, you shall not hate and defy others. Let us remember that we are here in this his­toric hall, bound together by the common and sacred duty of promulgating fundamental laws for our people and institutions social ad religious, and making a constitution that will decide the destiny of our race.

Let me recall on this solemn hour the centuries of struggle, and bloody conflicts that confronted the Church and the State, during the early history of Europe. The unforgettable cause was on one side, the tendency of the State to dominate the Church, and on the other, the jealousy and defiance of the Church towards the power and authority of the State. Disagreement, dissatisfaction and bitter discontentment on the part of each contending party widened the eyes of keen jealousy, kindled the fire of hate and vengeance that gave rise to the chain of many disastrous wars and battles which con­tributed to the degeneration, rather than the pro­gress of nations. The bloody fight went on. The flames of warfare continuously kindled.

The fangs of death endangered men, women and children. Nations rose, nations fell. All was killing and disaster. Such was the saddest scene the world had ever seen. There were no judges to decide and end the struggle. But thanks to the will of God, the Power of God, judgment was miraculously rendered. That ver­dict was the establishment of the doctrine of "complete and absolute separation of the Church and the State," words, simple words that brought peace, harmony, happiness and progress to the civilization of the world.

Fortunately, this principle was brought to our shores by the American Flag and. later, embodied formally in our organic law in the more specific form of "Religious Toleration," This doctrine has built the powerful nations of Europe. It has done much in the last thirty-five years in the Philippines. It would be axiomatic, therefore, that the true and strict exercise of this prin­ciple will aid the building of a great and honorable Filipino nation.

The enforcement of this universal law. religious questions and movement belongs exclusively to the Church; matters of governmental activity, belong to the State. The teaching of religion, therefore, is of the Church. Our public school system, a government enterprise, must therefore be of the State. For religion to be taught in our public schools will be tantamount to injecting the serum of the Church into the body of the State. This attitude will be making a forcible repetition of what befell and annihilated early Europe, in the new independent Filipino nation. History may repeat itself but let that repetition be not in the Philippine Commonwealth. I object to the teaching of religion in our public schools because permitting it would amount to a serious violation of the sacred verdict of absolutely and completely divorcing the Church from the State.

Our public school system is patterned after the American public school of non-sectarian education. According to many American educators of impartial opinion, the exclusion of religion in public schools is regarded as a positive advantage. The reason is that no way has yet been found to include religious instruction without seriously interfering with the freedom of conscience of some of the pupils, and no American can wish to force into the public schools the religious instruction of any particular creed by compelling the children of other creeds to accept it as a condition for receiving public education.

By contrast, religious teaching in public schools has been put back in Italy because of different fundamental circumstances, as enbodied in the following reasoning of Mussolini — "We are a Catholic nation, not only because the vast majority of the people is Catholic, but because Catholicism is inseparable from our history. Italians venerate the Pontiff, the Head of their Religion, but they venerate in him also the symbol of the Church of Rome, without which our history, from the Middle Ages to today, would be impossible to understand."

From this point of view, it is perfectly clear that the Italian sentiment of religion forms one single spiritual fabric which could easily be digested by the people, nay, injected without opposition and discord, to the Italian school children. Very different from the Italian situation just mentioned are the American and Filipino positions. The American reasoning of entirely prohibiting religious instruction in their public schools, under similar circumstances that exist, holds true and is perfectly applicable to the Philippine school system.

According to religious reports, the vast majority of the Filipinos are classed as Roman Catholics. The independent Aglipayan, Protestant, Mohammedan and other sects have in the last three decades gained considerable footholds and adherents. Day by day, they are furthering actions and developments. Each has its own principles, dogmas, rites and ceremonies. They are all different from one another. With this problem, I am of the opinion that it would tie difficult to select the particular religion to be taught in our public schools. If we do permit this religious teaching by giving sup­posedly equal opportunity in our public schools to all religious institutions, I am sure that serious questions of favoritism and unequal treatment and opportunity will be pointed out to accuse the State.

At this juncture, let me cite the Manitoba School Question in Canada during 1890 to 1896. Manitoba was a former territory of the Crown of England managed by the Hudson Bay Company but in 1870 it was added to the province of Canada, with a population of almost equally divided number of Catholics and Protestants. Previous to the union, there existed no state system of education. A number of elementary schools, private in nature, were organized and maintained by fees paid by parents or by the churches. These were managed on strictly denominational lines. When the Act of Orion was passed, it was sought to secure continuance of this state of things to safeguard the rights of both Catholics and Protestants.

Later on this system was superceded by one of State-aided-school systems which, however, were still scrupulously denominational in character. Education was then equally appropriated between Catholics and Protestants. In 1875, an Act was passed granting a proportionate number of pupils of school age in Catholic and Protestant districts, instead of by equal distribution. By immigration, Catholics were destined to be permanent minority, numbering 26,000 out of the total population of 231,000.

In 1890, a law was passed introducing a system of free compulsory and strictly non-sectarian schools, supported purely by the State. Because of the decreasing number of Catholic adherens and followers, Catholicism was weakend. Protestants, on the other hand, increased. It was then that a feeling of disgust, discord and jealousy was kindled. Troubles and agitations were prevalent. The legality of the law of prohibiting religious teaching in public schools was tested in the case of Barret. Decision was rendered, upholding the legality of said law.

This system of non sectarian public schools continued in Canada and bore fruitful results. Religious institutions, however, have contributed since then to date, great achievements in the moral and spiritual progress of Canada, in spite of the fact that they were repelled from the doors of the public schools. If the Canadian non sectarian public school system has succeeded, the same system will absolutely work a great success in the well-being of our Filipino children.

Our actual public school system is non sectarian. Without teaching religion in public schools, it is important to note that Christianity has been planted to a great extent among our non sectarian brothers with more credit to the Catholic and Protestant missionaries. All sects however, practically have contributed much to the moral upbringing of our school children and students. They have exerted efforts and sacrifices that promoted the social welfare of our people. These achievements were not accomplished in our public schools but in the field of their respective churches, dormitories, private schools, associations, societies, and so forth.

Without religious teaching in our public schools, the pupils and students, have come to know and respect the Divine Existence and love of Jesus the Saviour. They respect their parents next to God. Their moral standing as children is notable. They are law-abiding and peace-loving. This is due primarily to the fact that no germ of religious instruction has entered the educational organization of our State schools absence of the law and absence of a specific provision.

Some may advance the reasons that in spite of the prohibiting religious teaching in public schools in our organic law, there has never been any attempted movement by the religious institutions to invade the portals of our public schools. Now, let me also ask: Will not the silence of the law and absence of an express prohibition open the door to possibilities and probabilities, that this very thing will happen? Will not an express provision serve as a deterrent and check to these possibi­lities? Let us therefore provide for a specific shelter before the storm falls. In the practice of medicine, prevention is a thousand times better than cure.

These possibilities are probable to happen. Let me cite to you, Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention, facts which will demonstrate to you that if sufficient power, prestige and influence are gained, these movements will seriously endanger the purely free and independent existence and function of our public school system. We are all witnesses to the fact that priests, pastors, ministers of the gospel have invaded the arena of politics. They have taken very serious and active parts in the political struggles, either as candidates or campaign leaders and managers of our pro and anti factions, forgetting their spiritual clothing and sacred duty and prestige as God's representatives on Earth. Their intention may be lofty and good, but beware of a power gained in politics, although that power only if used properly will bring benefits and the blessings of prosperity and happiness. But political power, as my eyes can also see, is a public enemy. It brings the downfall of our own good and patriotic men even as it has worked disaster to our principles of democratic government.

And if this power would ever get to these religious men whom I have cited and allowed to be exercised in the manner they see fit, that power would bring absolutism and favoritism to a particular religion or class of men, to the prejudice and detriment of the many and particularly in the case of our public schools, this power would work to annihilate our sound public educational system. With a specific provision prohibiting the teaching of religion in our public schools, such occurrence will be remote.

Another reason may be alleged, that this express provision of prohibiting the teaching: of religion in our public schools is an act of religious intolerance, a limitation to the free exercise of religious activities. In answer, let me tell you. Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention, that our school children and students from the first grade to fourth year in the high school, go to classes only five times a week, at specified hours in the morning and afternoon. These children and students are out of school two whole days in the week and are free from five o'clock p.m. to seven o'clock a.m. during school days. On official holidays, they are entirely free. My proposition does not at all regulate nor prohibit the teaching of religion elsewhere during these free hours of the pupils and students of our public schools. Nor does the project limit the activities of religious institutions in their respective churches, dormitories, chapels, convent homes, associations and socities, or within their premises, but it guarantees the freedom of religion and gives equal protection and opportunity toward all.

Let me inform you also, Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention, that before I rose to speak on this subject I received letters and pamphlets, expounding contrary opinions. I hope, however, that the humble exposition that I have ventured to make, will cast light on my unknown contenders.

I conclude with the wish to impart to you, Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention, the thought that as Delegates vested by law and sent by our people to frame that fundamental and basic law, we should not forget to specify in this Constitution a provision expressly prohibiting the teaching of religion in our public schools because:

1. An express provision is a definite stand that will erase doubts, probabilities and possibilities that may arise to endanger our future.
   
2. An express provision definitely settles now and for all time the separation of the Church and the State.
   
3. An express provision will lessen the feeling of discord and rancor among our religious institutions, thus preserving their sacred purpose of charity and good will towards all;
   
4. An express provision will help strengthen the free exercise of religion, and guarantee equal protection and opportunity to all religious institutions.
   
5. An express provision will foster feelings of harmony and closer friendship among our religious institutions;
   
6. An express provision guarantees the independ­ence of our public school machinery from outside private, unwise power and influence, which is always detrimental rather than instrumental;
   
7. An express provision is a clear exposition of true religious toleration; and
   
8. An express provision is entirely in consonance with the essence of our organic Act and the Hare-Hawes Cutting Law, as amended and superseded by the Tydings-McDuffie Law.
   

MR. VINZONS: Mr. President, we have received the sad news that our beloved comrade of this Convention, Delegate Aguilar, has passed away in the Philippine General Hospital,

SR. ARELLANO: Sr. Presidente como motive de tan triste acontecimiento. los companeros Gullas, Vinzons, Grafilo y su servidor someten ahora a la aprobacion de esta Convencion una resolucion que obra en poder del Secretario.

EL PRESIDENTE: Lease el proyecto de Resolucion.

EL SECRETARIO, leyendo:

RESOLUCION EXPRESANDO LA CONDOLENCIA DE
LA CONVENCION POR EL FALLECIMIENTO DEL
HON. AMANCIO AGUILAR
CREANDO UN COMITE DE FUNERALES, Y
DISPONIENDO LA CELEBRACION DE
UNA SESION NECROLOGICA

Se resuelve, Expresar. como por la presente se expresa. el profundo pesar de la Convencion nor el fallecimiento del Delegado por Masbate, Hon. Amancio Aguilar;

Se resuelve, ademas que se nombre por el Presidente un Comite de tres Miembros para que se encargue de los funerales y represente a la Convencion en el entierro del finado;

Se resuelve, tambien, que la Convencion Constitucional celebre una sesion necrologica el miercolas, veintedos de agosto de mil novecientos treinta y cuatro, a las diez de la mañana, para honrar la memoria del difunto:

Se resuelve, finalmente, Que se envie a la familia del finado copia de esta resolucion y que una vez aprobada la misma, se levante la sesion en señal de duelo.

EL PRESIDENTE: ¿Puede votarse la Resolucion?

LA ASAMBLEA: Si.

EL PRESIDENTE: ¿Hay alguna objecion? (Silencio.) La Mesa no oye ninguna. Adoptada por unanimidad.

LEVANTAMIENTO DE LA SESION

EL PRESIDENTE: De conformidad con la resolucion que acaba de aprobarse se levanta la sesion en señal de duelo por la muerte del Delegado Hon. Amancio Aguilar.

Eran las 6:37 p.m